National Politics


The Clinton for President Campaign office in Los Angeles is ready to open its doors.

Please join the campaign for this exciting and historic event on Wednesday, July 4, from 12:00PM to 1:00PM. You will be joined by community activists, elected officials who have endorsed, and many other supporters from all over California who are ready for a change in the right direction.

Please RSVP with Connie Lee at CLEE@hillaryclinton.com

600 S. La Fayette Park Place
Los Angeles, CA 90057
(between 6th Street and Wilshire Blvd.)

Invited to attend: Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, Speaker Fabian Nunez, City Controller Laura Chick, City Councilwoman Wendy Greuel, City Councilman Jack Weiss, various celebrities and Team Hillary California Staff.

NOTE: POSTING THIS NOTICE DOES NOT IMPLY THE ENDORSEMENT OF ANY CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT BY THE LOS ANGELES COUNTY DEMOCRATIC PARTY OR ITS LEADERSHIP. LACDP HAS A POLICY OF POSTING INFORMATION ON BEHALF OF ALL DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

SHAME…

Little Relief on Ward 53 - At Walter Reed, Care for Soldiers Struggling With War’s Mental Trauma Is Undermined by Doctor Shortages and Unfocused Methods

By Anne Hull and Dana Priest, Washington Post Staff Writers - Monday, June 18, 2007; A01

On the military plane that crossed the ocean at night, the wounded lay in stretchers stacked three high. The drone of engines was broken by the occasional sound of moaning. Sedated and sleeping, Pfc. Joshua Calloway was at the top of one stack last September. Unlike the others around him, Calloway was handcuffed to his stretcher.

When the 20-year-old infantry soldier woke up, he was on the locked-down psychiatric ward at Walter Reed Army Medical Center. A nurse handed him pajamas and a robe, but they reminded him of the flowing clothes worn by Iraqi men. He told the nurse, “I don’t want to look like a freakin’ Haj.” He wanted his uniform. Request denied. Shoelaces and belts were prohibited.

Calloway felt naked without his M-4, his constant companion during his tour south of Baghdad with the 101st Airborne Division. The year-long deployment claimed the lives of 50 soldiers in his brigade. Two committed suicide. Calloway, blue-eyed and lantern-jawed, lasted nine months — until the afternoon he watched his sergeant step on a pressure-plate bomb in the road. The young soldier’s knees buckled and he vomited in the reeds before he was ordered to help collect body parts. A few days later he was sent to the combat-stress trailers, where he was given antidepressants and rest, but after a week he was still twitching and sleepless. The Army decided that his war was over.

Every month, 20 to 40 soldiers are evacuated from Iraq because of mental problems, according to the Army. Most are sent to Walter Reed along with other war-wounded. For amputees, the nation’s top Army hospital offers state-of-the-art prosthetics and physical rehab programs, and soon, a new $10 million amputee center with a rappelling wall and virtual reality center.

Nothing so gleaming exists for soldiers with diagnoses of post-traumatic stress disorder, who in the Army alone outnumber all of the war’s amputees by 43 to 1. The Army has no PTSD center at Walter Reed, and its psychiatric treatment is weak compared with the best PTSD programs the government offers. Instead of receiving focused attention, soldiers with combat-stress disorders are mixed in with psych patients who have issues ranging from schizophrenia to marital strife.

Even though Walter Reed maintains the largest psychiatric department in the Army, it lacks enough psychiatrists and clinicians to properly treat the growing number of soldiers returning with combat stress. Earlier this year, the head of psychiatry sent out an “SOS” memo desperately seeking more clinical help.

Individual therapy with a trained clinician, a key element in recovery from PTSD, is infrequent, and targeted group therapy is offered only twice a week.

Young Pfc. Calloway was put in robes that first night. His dreams were infected by corpses. He tasted blood in his mouth. He was paranoid and jumpy. He couldn’t stop the movie inside his head of Sgt. Matthew Vosbein stepping on the bomb. His memory was shot. His insides burned.

Calloway’s mother came to Walter Reed from Ohio and told the psychiatrist everything she knew about her son. Sitting in the office for the interview, Calloway jiggled his leg and put his head in his hands as he described his tour in Iraq. His mental history was probed and more notes were taken. The trivia of his life — a beagle named Zoe, a job during high school at a Meijer superstore, a love of World War II history — competed with what he had become.

“I can’t remember who I was before I went into the Army,” he said later. “Put me in a war for a year, my brain becomes a certain way. My brain is a big, black ball of crap with this brick wall in front of it.”

After a week in the lockdown unit, Calloway was stabilized. They gave him back his shoelaces and belt. On the 10th day, he was released and turned over to outpatient psychiatry for treatment. And Calloway, a casualty without a scratch, began the longest season of his young life.

Inside Walter Reed

The Washington Post began following Calloway after he was brought to Walter Reed last fall with an initial diagnosis of acute stress disorder. He had all the signs of PTSD, but it would be the hospital’s job to treat him and then decide whether he met the Army’s strict guidelines for a PTSD diagnosis — which required a certain level of chronic impairment — and whether he could ever return to duty.

Calloway’s physical metamorphosis was rapid. The burnished soldier turned soft and fat, gaining 20 pounds the first month from tranquilizers and microwaved Chef Boyardee. He lived at Mologne House, a hotel on the grounds of Walter Reed that was overtaken by wounded troops. His roommate was another soldier from Iraq with psych problems who kept the curtains drawn and played Saints Row video games all day until one day he vanished — poof, AWOL, leaving nothing behind but empty bottles of lithium and Seroquel.

For the first time in almost a year, Calloway had a plush bed and a hot shower, but he was too angry to appreciate the simple comforts. On an early venture outside Walter Reed, he went to downtown Silver Spring and became enraged by young people laughing at Starbucks. “Don’t they know there is a war going on?” he said.

Wearing a rock band T-shirt, Calloway looked like any other 20-year-old on the sidewalk, but an unspeakable compulsion tore through him. He said he wanted to hatchet someone in the back of the neck.

“I want to see people that I hate die,” he said. “I want to blow their heads off. I wish I didn’t, but I do.” He made similar statements to his psychiatry team at Walter Reed.

Violence seeped into his life in a thousand ways. When he cut himself shaving, the iron smell of blood on his fingertips gave a slight euphoria. But it was the distinct horror of his sergeant’s death that was encoded in his brain. The memory made him physically sick. He would sweat and shake as if having a seizure, and sometimes he felt as if he were back in the heat and sand of Iraq.

The recognized treatment for PTSD is cognitive behavioral therapy, in which patients are encouraged to face their feared memories or situations and to change their negative perceptions. A key technique is known as prolonged exposure therapy. It involves revisiting a traumatic memory in order to process it. The idea is not to erase the memory but to prevent it from being disabling. Highly structured, one-on-one sessions over a limited time period have proved most effective, according to Edna B. Foa, a professor of psychology in psychiatry at the University of Pennsylvania, who has been contracted by the Department of Veterans Affairs to train 250 therapists who treat PTSD.

But Calloway and a dozen other soldiers from Iraq and Afghanistan interviewed by The Post described a vague regimen at Walter Reed’s outpatient psychiatric unit, Ward 53. They get a heavy dose of group sessions such as “Reflecting with Music,” “Decisions,” “Feelings Exploration” and “Art Expressions.” Calloway reported to his “Reel Reflections” class one morning for a screening of “The Devil Wears Prada.” Only two hours a week are devoted to a post-traumatic recovery group, according to a copy of their schedule.

These soldiers said they are over-medicated and treated with none of the urgency given the physically wounded. One desperate patient, a combat medic who broke down after her third tour in Iraq, said she begged her psychiatrist: “We are handicapped patients, too. Cut off both my legs, but give me my sanity. You can’t get a prosthesis for that.”

In an interview this month, Col. John C. Bradley, head of psychiatry at Walter Reed, said soldiers with combat-stress disorders receive the accepted psychotherapeutic treatment there. He said they are placed in a specially designed “trauma track” and are given at least an hour of individual therapy a week and a full range of classes to help them cope with their symptoms. Exposure therapy is as effective in group settings as in individual sessions, he maintained — a belief that runs counter to the latest clinical research.

Bradley acknowledged staff shortages and said vacancies in his department go unfilled for as long as a year because of the Army pay scale and the high cost of living in the Washington area. He recently asked to increase his staff by 20 percent, and last month he brought on a reservist to help doctors with the time-consuming duties of preparing reports for the soldiers’ medical evaluation board process. “We are constantly looking for innovative ways to provide service and outreach and support to soldiers,” said Bradley, who deployed to Iraq last year with a combat-stress unit.

One of the country’s best PTSD programs is located at Walter Reed, but because of a bureaucratic divide it is not accessible to most patients. The Deployment Health Clinical Center, run by the Department of Defense and separate from the Army’s services, offers a three-week program of customized treatment. Individual exposure therapy and fewer medications are favored. Deployment Health can see only about 65 patients a year but is the envy of many in the Army. “They need to clone that program,” said Col. Charles W. Hoge, chief of psychiatry and behavior services at the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research.

Instead, Deployment Health was forced to give up its newly renovated quarters in March and was placed in temporary space one-third the size to make room for a soldier and family assistance center. The move came after a series of articles in The Post detailed the neglect of wounded outpatients at Walter Reed. Therapy sessions are now being held in Building T-2, a rundown former computer center, until new space becomes available.

Joshua Calloway reported to Ward 53 five mornings a week in his uniform. He was a tough patient from the start, angering easily and impatient with anyone who had not experienced combat. He was irritated that he had to attend groups with soldiers who had bombed out of boot camp or never deployed. He participated in processing exercises using work sheets to help him manage his fears. (”For example, original thought: ‘I’m in a crowd, they’re looking at me, they’re all going to jump me, the enemy looked at me in Iraq and shot me, I leave.’ Feelings: Anxious. Behavior: Leave situation.”)

With the exception of the post-traumatic stress group run by Joshua Friedlander, a clinical psychologist and former Army captain who had served in Iraq, most of the classes felt like B.S. sessions to Calloway. “Civilians reading from a booklet,” he said.

Ultimately, his treatment was in the hands of a civilian psychiatrist. Before taking a contract job at Walter Reed in 2005, the doctor had worked at Washington’s St. Elizabeths Hospital and specialized in addictions and pedophilia. On Ward 53, he was responsible for about 30 soldiers, many back from Iraq. Calloway felt little validation from the psychiatrist. Sometimes the doctor typed on his computer while Calloway talked.

There was another, more delicate, problem. The psychiatrist was Indian. Calloway had a gut reaction to anyone he thought looked Iraqi, a paranoia shared by many of Walter Reed’s wounded.

“You are seeing a [expletive] Pakistani?” asked Spec. Isaac Serna, a fellow war-wounded soldier in the 101st Airborne. “I’d freak, dude.”

Calloway confessed his bias to the doctor. “I want to kill Arabs,” he said.

“Does that include me?” the Hindu doctor asked, according to Calloway. “You can say it.”

Antidepressants are most commonly used to treat PTSD, and Calloway was on a total of seven medications by Christmas, including lithium, used to treat bipolar disorder. He had now gained 30 pounds and was too lethargic to exercise. Bored one night, he took out the sweat-stained spiral notebook he had carried in Iraq. Grains of sand were still between the pages scribbled with Arabic commands. He repeated the phrases that loosely translated to “don’t speak” and “shut up.”

“Balla hashee!” he said. “In chep!”

He spent the holidays reading “The PTSD Workbook” and eating Starbursts in a room piled high with goody boxes from his church back home.

“You are in our prayers, Josh,” one card read. “We are so proud of your service to your country.”

Unabating Anger

In Iraq he was infected with MRSA, a microbe that makes the skin boil, and at Walter Reed he suffered a painful outbreak that landed him in the hospital. Festering sores brought a respite from Ward 53. In the hospital, he got Percocet and “The Daily Show,” and late at night he read a memoir by a soldier who served in Iraq called “The Last True Story I’ll Ever Tell.” A friend in the 101st lent it to him with underlined passages, and Calloway read aloud the one on Page 172 about trying to fit back in after war.

I spent most of my time watching the rooftops and side roads, looking into my rearview mirror to make sure no one was creeping up on my car from behind. . . . Every time I saw someone sitting contently inside a coffee shop or restaurant, I wanted to yell at them, wake them up.

A social worker with a clipboard came to his room the next afternoon. “The surgeon general is concerned about all the soldiers coming home with smoking habits,” he said.

Calloway said he never smoked before Iraq but smoked three packs a day in theater.

“Have you ever considered a patch?” the man asked.

By his fourth month as an outpatient on Ward 53, Calloway had learned breathing techniques to ease his panic. He had been asked to recite statements of self-love in group therapy. He had learned to cook in occupational therapy. But his core anger was as high as ever, made worse by the relationship with his psychiatrist. They met once or twice a week, mostly to discuss meds and argue. “Why don’t you ever come in here and smile?” the doctor asked, according to Calloway. “Why don’t you ever come in here and think today will be a good day?”

Walter Reed officials refused to discuss individual patients for this story, citing privacy concerns.

Calloway wanted to scream. Disillusioned, he stopped faithfully attending the combat-stress group he first found helpful. In the cold of winter he went down to Capitol Tattoo on Georgia Avenue, where the milky skin of his arms became a canvas of colors and death poetry. In honor of Vosbein, he had a silhouette of a soldier drawn on, with the words: “Lay down your armor. And have no fear. I’ll be home soon.”

Even with his nihilistic markings, Calloway still saw himself as a soldier. On Sunday mornings he attended a VFW brunch in Arlington, feeling at home with the snowy-haired veterans who sipped coffee under an American flag. As an Iraq vet, he was treated as part of the newest generation of warriors. One Sunday, he was accompanied by a girl from Ohio who’d come to visit him at Walter Reed. She wore his dog tags, and his eyes were full of light. “Thank you, ma’am,” he told the waitress who brought his biscuits and gravy.

But the girl went back to Ohio and Calloway came to the next brunch alone, secretly terrified that in 30 years he’d be sitting in a support group like the Vietnam guys. With his nightmares and balled-up fists, what woman would want him?

“I’m not getting any better,” he told his mother on the phone.

His step-grandfather in Ohio spent a morning making calls, trying unsuccessfully to reach anyone at Walter Reed. “He’s meeting with people 15 minutes a day, he’s been written off,” said Greg Albright. “Josh has not been cooperative, he’s been insulting to the doctor. But that’s a function of the place he’s been.” Albright met with an aide from the district office of Rep. John A. Boehner (R) in Ohio. He wanted help bringing Josh home for treatment, and the family was willing to pay for it. But Calloway was still in the Army.

One night in his room, Calloway put in a DVD and watched the opening scene of “Saving Private Ryan,” the American G.I.s coming onto Omaha Beach, retching in fear as they unloaded from the boats and faced a rain of German bullets. Limbs severed, necks punctured, foreheads blown open, but the grunts kept charging.

“See why I picked infantry?” Calloway said, his leg furiously twitching. “There’s no other place in the world where you can have a job like that. It’s a brotherhood that’s deeper than your own family.”

His romanticized ideals clashed with reality. His anti-nightmare medication made him a zombie in the morning, and he slept through his alarm. After missing morning formation, he was ordered by his platoon sergeant to pick up trash, but in the middle of his work duty he had an anxiety attack; shaking and unable to focus his eyes, he was taken to the ER, where he overheard his sergeant tell the doctor that it seemed to be a big coincidence that Calloway had an attack while doing work.

‘I Can’t Handle Another Day’

He often wondered why he snapped. Several factors make PTSD more likely — youth, a history of depression or trauma, multiple deployments, and relentless exposure to violence. Calloway hit most of the criteria. He had been depressed in high school, and four months out of basic training he was in one of the most dangerous sectors of Baghdad.

Alpha Company, 2nd Battalion, 502nd Infantry Regiment got to Baghdad in the fall of 2005. The roads around Yusufiyah, where they patrolled, were littered with bombs. A first sergeant was lost right away, and the casualties never stopped. Living in abandoned Iraqi houses, Calloway went weeks without bathing and days without sleep. He went on raids at night, kicking in doors and searching houses to the sound of gunfire and screams.

Calloway had never felt such excitement or sense of belonging. His best friend was Spec. Denver Rearick, a grizzled 23-year-old on his second tour. In his Kentucky cowboy wisdom, Rearick warned Calloway: “Your entire body is a puzzle before you go to war. You go to war and every little piece of that puzzle gets twisted and turned. And then you are supposed to come back home again.”

The pressure and dread and exhaustion began to smother Calloway. He survived several bomb blasts. Some soldiers were sucking on aerosol cans of Dust-Off to get high, and one accidentally died. Sleep deprivation mixed with the random violence scrambled Calloway. He wore it on his face. One of the sergeants asked him, “Are you gonna kill yourself, Calloway?”

Music was his escape. On rare nights on base, Calloway, Rearick and Vosbein would strip off their armor and climb up to the roof to play guitars and harmonica. Vosbein loved Johnny Cash. He was from Louisiana, free and easy with his affections, and at 30 he treated Calloway like a kid brother.

The day Vosbein died was sunny and hot. A convoy patrol in three Humvees pulled over to check a crater in the road. As Calloway was opening his door, Vosbein was already moving toward the crater. The force of the explosion rattled Calloway’s teeth and knocked two other soldiers to the ground. Vosbein — whistling, happy Vos — was eviscerated. Parts of him were everywhere.

Calloway buckled and puked. Then rage. He wanted to shoot the first Iraqi he saw, but his legs weren’t working. He was useless to help clean up the scene. Later that night as the chaplain gathered the platoon to talk, Calloway stood off to the side with two sergeants, crying. They confiscated his weapon. Rearick sat up with him in his room until he fell asleep. His commanders watched him closely. “We want to do what’s best for you,” the company commander told him with compassion. “You need to tell me what you need.”

“I can’t handle another day of this place,” Calloway answered. He was sent to the combat-stress control trailers, where the decision was made to ship him to Walter Reed.

In his room at Mologne House, Calloway kept photos from Iraq on his computer: Vosbein grilling steaks at their patrol base. Calloway’s gang piled on a tank with their guitars. Driving through a blinding orange sandstorm. Rearick, wiry and invincible, smiling in a dirty cowboy hat.

“He was able to handle it,” Calloway said.

But Rearick was in bad shape. While Calloway was at Walter Reed, Rearick was home in Waco, Ky., sleeping with a .45 and the furniture pushed in front of the window. He was so anxious in crowds that he no longer went to bars or restaurants, ordering his meals at the drive-through window. To rouse him in the morning, his father tossed a boot from the doorway because he startled so violently when touched.

Rearick had sought help after coming home from his first tour in Iraq. While asleep one night, he knocked his girlfriend to the floor. “I damn near broke her nose,” he said. Without telling his commanders at Fort Campbell, he went to the VA hospital in Lexington, where he was prescribed antidepressants. He didn’t like the pills, so he drank himself to sleep, while gearing up for his second tour.

“All the banners said ‘Welcome Home Heroes,’ ” Rearick said. “But the moment we start falling apart it’s like, ‘Never mind.’ For us, it was the beginning of the dark ages. It was the dreams. It was going to the store and buying bottles of Tylenol PM and bottles of Jack.”

Rearick retired from the Army earlier this year. In the bucolic green of Kentucky, he threw himself into the physical work of breaking horses and moving cattle. The only places he feels safe are the pastures and his barricaded room.

“At least Calloway doesn’t try to sugarcoat it,” he said. “He’s like, ‘I’m [expletive] up and I’m pissed off.’ ”

Rearick knows his outlaw paradise of guitars, guns and Willie Nelson is just a cover.

“Everyone thinks you are a badass,” he said. “But you are scared of the dark.”

Going Home, Far From Cured

Calloway put a Johnny Cash song on his cellphone to describe his sixth month on Ward 53.

I’m stuck at Folsom Prison

And time keeps dragging on

One night he mixed Monster energy drink and Crown Royal and got so drunk he was taken to the ER at Walter Reed, which landed him in the Army’s alcohol counseling program. He had to submit to a breathalyzer test at 7 each morning. “I am losing my mind more and more while I’m here,” he said.

His psychiatrist had referred him to the Deployment Health Clinical Center, but Calloway blew his chance at getting into the coveted program when he missed appointments. He blamed his meds and memory problems. He had been exposed to multiple bomb blasts in Iraq, but after seven months at Walter Reed he had not been tested for traumatic brain injury, which affects memory. Instead he was given a Dell PDA to help him remember appointments.

The relationship with his psychiatrist was barely tolerable. The frustration seemed mutual. “He complained about his problems but did not seem eager to listen to any suggestions I provided him,” the doctor noted in Calloway’s records. He added that Calloway showed up to Ward 53 not in uniform but in cutoff shorts with his tattoos showing.

Even on high doses of sedating drugs, Calloway’s rage crackled, and one night he started breaking things outside Mologne House. He was again taken to the ER, where he screamed that he wanted to kill his psychiatrist.

Finally, Calloway got what he wanted — a new doctor. Lt. Col. Robert Forsten had served in Iraq and had published studies on combat stress. Right away, Calloway noticed Forsten’s combat badge and his listening skills. Forsten agreed that the violence of Iraq was transforming and harrowing but said it should not define the rest of Calloway’s life. The doctor also tried to reframe the experience. “You’re a soldier,” he said, according to Calloway. “You went to Iraq. You did your job.’ ”

Something clicked for Calloway. But it was so late in the game. His physical evaluation board process was nearly complete, and he would be going home soon. His worries turned to what diagnosis the Army would give him and how he would be rated for disability pay. His case worker had told him that she could not locate anyone at Fort Campbell to provide written proof that he had witnessed a traumatic event in combat. Forsten picked up the phone and within days had an official statement:

“During a routine route clearance in August 2006, PFC Calloway’s team leader (SGT Vosbein) was clearing a suspected IED crater while PFC Calloway was inside his M1114. SGT Vosbein stepped on a crush wire that detonated 2X155 mm artillery shells. The detonation killed SGT Vosbein and knocked the remaining soldiers to the ground. PFC Calloway came to the site and saw his team leader blown apart into several pieces.”

Forsten would soon get another assignment and leave Walter Reed.

The evaluation board diagnosed depression and chronic PTSD in Calloway, and ruled that his conditions had a “definite impact” on his work and social capabilities. He was given a temporary disability rating of 30 percent, which meant he would get $815 a month. He would be reevaluated in 2008. He would report to the VA hospital in Cincinnati for treatment when he got home.

After eight months at Walter Reed, Calloway showed “some improvement of his symptoms,” according to his medical records. But his step-grandfather, Greg Albright, who came from Ohio to help him pack, was astounded at his volatility. “He’s a grenade with the pin half-out,” Albright said.

Even on his last night, Calloway avoided the open grassy spaces in front of Mologne House. He chain-smoked under the awning. He wondered what home would be like.

At dawn the next morning, he set out for Ohio, a combat infantry sticker on the bumper of his car.

CLICK HERE TO LINK TO ARTICLE

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THE WOEFUL GONZALES RECORD
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This piece appears on the Huffington Post.

The Woeful Gonzales Record
By Anthony D. Romero

An Open Letter to Members of the Senate:

As you move towards the debate and no-confidence vote on Attorney
General Alberto Gonzales I hope you will carefully review his woeful
record and its recurring theme: Alberto Gonzales as George W.
Bush’s Number One “Yes” Man.

From the beginning, Gonzales has sought to shape the law according to
the president’s wishes. Through his legal maneuvering, he has
authorized criminal behavior as White House counsel and refused to
prosecute that same criminal behavior as attorney general. He created
and navigated legal avenues for the president and his administration
to use torture and indefinite detention. And now, as attorney general,
he has refused to investigate those programs.

As the ACLU details in a newly updated report
http://action.aclu.org/site/R?i=ioHPRQLolpbaBp-NVgZ2vQ..

on the Attorney General’s civil liberties record, he has
abdicated his responsibility to protect the rights of Americans, and
exercises a cynical view of what he seems to consider petty matters
like the rule of law and the Constitution. Calls for Congressional
oversight yield only uncooperative and misleading testimony.

But the testimony of others has been far more revealing. Take the
riveting words of former Deputy Attorney General James Comey, who
described how, like in a scene out of a bad novel, then-White House
counsel Gonzales and then-White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card paid
a March 2004 nighttime visit on a gravely ill and heavily sedated
Ashcroft, lying in his intensive care unit hospital bed. Gonzales and
Card tried unsuccessfully to persuade Ashcroft to reauthorize
President Bush’s domestic surveillance program, which the
Justice Department had just determined was illegal. Is browbeating a
gravely ill man in pursuit of a lawless policy the action of a
responsible and upright office holder? Of course not — although it does
yield the startling nugget that, for a brief shining moment, Attorney
General John Ashcroft was actually on the ACLU’s side of an
issue.

And consider how Gonzales has repeatedly stood up in favor of the
prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, a facility where the denial of habeas
corpus and harsh, indefinite detention has shamed the U.S.
internationally. Look too at “yes” man counsel Gonzales,
writing a 2002 memorandum that referred to some Geneva Convention
restrictions as “quaint” and the portion on questioning
enemy prisoners “obsolete.” That’s exactly the sort
of attitude that led him — in both the White House and at Justice — to
subordinate and twist the law that permitted actual torture and abuse
on America’s watch, while allowing high-level government
officials to get off scot-free.

There’s much more. Under Gonzales, the Justice Department has
failed to pursue violations of civil rights and voting rights laws. He
has failed to investigate and prosecute criminal acts committed by
civilians in the torture or abuse of detainees, failed to investigate
and prosecute criminal acts and violations of the law resulting from
the warrantless spying program, and championed renewal of the Patriot
Act despite widespread bipartisan civil liberties concerns. His
department’s own inspector general discovered that the FBI
underreported, misused and otherwise abused the Patriot Act’s
National Security Letter provisions.

The attorney general failed to investigate possible perjury by a top
general about abusive interrogation techniques, his department
reversed the findings of its panel of experts that a Georgia voter
identification law would discriminate against minorities, and further
failed to uphold his duties as attorney general by forcing out
experienced career attorneys in Justice’s Civil Rights Division
and replacing them with less experienced, political loyalists.

This didn’t just start in Washington, of course. Back home in
Texas, Gonzales drafted the infamous clemency memos for Governor Bush,
which failed to mention key factors in each case including evidence of
innocence that supported clemency for death row inmates.

The president and the attorney general are a tight-knit crew. The
attorney general provides tailor-made legal support for the president;
the president reciprocates with unwavering political support.
It’s a cozy relationship for those two, but disastrous for our
nation and its rule of law. “No confidence” doesn’t
even begin to cover it.

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Demand Accountability:

With Attorney General Alberto Gonzales at the helm, the United States
Justice Department has become a contradiction in terms. Under his
leadership the Constitution and the rights of Americans have been
consistently undermined. Sign the petition to Restore Our
Constitutional Rights to send a loud and clear message to Congress:
it’s time to restore the Constitution and respect for the rule of law.

On June 26th, we’ll be delivering our petitions in person during our
Day of Action. We’ve already collected nearly 70,000 signatures — help
us reach our goal of 100,000 signatures. Sign the petition today:
http://action.aclu.org/site/R?i=LKS-QmqWuaMTVUa9pe4umA..

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© ACLU, 125 Broad Street, 18th Floor New York, NY 10004

Dear Democrat,

The federal government is on the verge of turning over a huge portion of our public airwaves to companies like AT&T, Verizon, and Comcast—who will use them for private gain instead of the public good.

These newly available airwaves are a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to revolutionize Internet access—beaming high-speed Internet signals to every park bench, coffee shop, workplace, and home in America at more affordable prices than current Internet service. Phone and cable companies don’t want this competition to their Internet service—they’d rather purchase the airwaves at auction and sit on them.

In June, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) will make a major decision: Use the public airwaves for the public good, or turn them over to big companies who will stifle competition, innovation, and the wireless Internet revolution.
The FCC is only accepting public comments for a few more days. Can you sign this petition to them today, and send it to your friends?

“The public airwaves should be used for the public good. The government must protect our airwaves from corporate gatekeepers who would stifle innovation and competition in the wireless Internet market.”
Sign here:
http://www.civic.moveon.org/airwaves/?id=10433-418283-GZlzl0&t=3

We’ll deliver your petition signature and any accompanying note directly to the FCC’s public comment record, which FCC Commissioners use to guide their decisions.

There are many innovative companies jumping at the opportunity to forge ahead with the wireless Internet revolution—bringing us high-speed wireless networks from coast to coast and all sorts of innovative wireless devices. But the old phone and cable companies are aggressively trying to block this progress. They’ve spent billions laying wires, and they enjoy having their customers locked in with few alternatives.

Without access to the public airwaves, wireless innovators can’t enter the marketplace. So the strategy of companies like AT&T, Verizon, and Comcast is to buy the administrative rights of our airwaves at auction—and then use those rights to block competition. They also stifle the development of new wireless devices by only letting their own endorsed products work on their networks.

We’re urging the FCC to protect the public good by setting auction rules that prohibit this anti-competitive behavior. If the government auctioned off the right to maintain a public highway to Ford, we would certainly not let Ford block Toyotas from the roads. Likewise, big phone and cable should not be able to keep innovative companies off our airwaves.

They also shouldn’t be able to tell their wireless Internet customers which websites they can access—as they do now. And just as phone companies can’t tell customers what phones can be plugged into a wall jack, cell and wireless companies should not be able to dictate which phones or wireless devices people use on their networks.

The opportunity to revolutionize the Internet and wireless world is at our fingertips. The only question is whether our government will embrace it, and whether regular people will fight for it.

The FCC is only accepting public comments for a few more days. Can you sign the petition to them today, and send it to your friends?
Sign here:
http://www.civic.moveon.org/airwaves/?id=10433-418283-GZlzl0&t=4

Thanks for all you do.
–Adam Green, MoveOn.org Civic Action

PS—Most people haven’t heard about this critical issue yet—so it’s really important that we spread the word and get others involved. As you consider who else to tell about this issue, here’s what innovation and competition in the wireless world means for regular people:

• Families would no longer be forced to choose solely between high-priced phone and cable Internet. A new wireless market—including lots of competition within that market—would mean more affordable Internet access for families.
• Poor and rural communities which phone and cable companies never bothered to wire with high-speed Internet access could now have high-speed Internet signals beamed directly into their homes.
• Blackberry and other handheld wireless users are currently blocked by phone companies from accessing Internet-based phone service and other innovative services.2 The FCC could stop these anti-competitive, anti-consumer practices by mandating wireless Net Neutrality.
• Socially responsible buyers could someday go to a store, scan the bar codes of products with an Internet-equipped cell phone, and find out which items are socially responsible. Phone companies can currently block such innovations from working with their devices (they often try to shake down innovators into giving them a massive cut of their profits)—but the FCC can prohibit such practices on these newly available airwaves.
• Technology consumers in America are currently denied all sorts of cutting-edge technology that people in other countries have—like using Internet-equipped cell phones to buy products, transfer money, or give to charity. By opening the doors to competition and innovation, the FCC can change that.

Trust and Betrayal

By Paul Krugman - May 28, 2007, The New York Times

“In this place where valor sleeps, we are reminded why America has always gone to war reluctantly, because we know the costs of war.” That’s what President Bush said last year, in a Memorial Day ceremony at Arlington National Cemetery.

Those were fine words, spoken by a man with less right to say them than any president in our nation’s history. For Mr. Bush took us to war not with reluctance, but with unseemly eagerness.

Now that war has turned into an epic disaster, in part because the war’s architects, whom we now know were warned about the risks, didn’t want to hear about them. Yet Congress seems powerless to stop it. How did it all go so wrong?

Future historians will shake their heads over how easily America was misled into war. The warning signs, the indications that we had a rogue administration determined to use 9/11 as an excuse for war, were there, for those willing to see them, right from the beginning — even before Mr. Bush began explicitly pushing for war with Iraq.

In fact, the very first time Mr. Bush declared a war on terror that “will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated,” people should have realized that he was going to use the terrorist attack to justify anything and everything.

When he used his first post-attack State of the Union to denounce an “axis of evil” consisting of three countries that had nothing to do either with 9/11 or with each other, alarm bells should have gone off.

But the nation, brought together in grief and anger over the attack, wanted to trust the man occupying the White House. And so it took a long time before Americans were willing to admit to themselves just how thoroughly their trust had been betrayed.

It’s a terrible story, yet it’s also understandable. I wasn’t really surprised by Republican election victories in 2002 and 2004: nations almost always rally around their leaders in times of war, no matter how bad the leaders and no matter how poorly conceived the war.

The question was whether the public would ever catch on. Well, to the immense relief of those who spent years trying to get the truth out, they did. Last November Americans voted overwhelmingly to bring an end to Mr. Bush’s war.

Yet the war goes on.

To keep the war going, the administration has brought the original bogyman back out of the closet. At first, Mr. Bush said he would bring Osama bin Laden in, dead or alive. Within seven months after 9/11, however, he had lost interest: “I wouldn’t necessarily say he’s at the center of any command structure,” he said in March 2002. “I truly am not that concerned about him.”

In all of 2003, Mr. Bush, who had an unrelated war to sell, made public mention of the man behind 9/11 only seven times.

But Osama is back: last week Mr. Bush invoked his name 11 times in a single speech, warning that if we leave Iraq, Al Qaeda — which wasn’t there when we went in — will be the winner. And Democrats, still fearing that they will end up accused of being weak on terror and not supporting the troops, gave Mr. Bush another year’s war funding.

Democratic Party activists were furious, because polls show a public utterly disillusioned with Mr. Bush and anxious to see the war ended. But it’s not clear that the leadership was wrong to be cautious. The truth is that the nightmare of the Bush years won’t really be over until politicians are convinced that voters will punish, not reward, Bush-style fear-mongering. And that hasn’t happened yet.

Here’s the way it ought to be: When Rudy Giuliani says that Iran, which had nothing to do with 9/11, is part of a “movement” that “has already displayed more aggressive tendencies by coming here and killing us,” he should be treated as a lunatic.

When Mitt Romney says that a coalition of “Shia and Sunni and Hezbollah and Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood and Al Qaeda” wants to “bring down the West,” he should be ridiculed for his ignorance.

And when John McCain says that Osama, who isn’t in Iraq, will “follow us home” if we leave, he should be laughed at.

But they aren’t, at least not yet. And until belligerent, uninformed posturing starts being treated with the contempt it deserves, men who know nothing of the cost of war will keep sending other people’s children to graves at Arlington.

CLICK HERE TO LINK TO ARTICLE

Important Action Alert - Please Act Now!

TELL CONGRESS: DON’T SURRENDER TO BUSH ON IRAQ

Today Congress will vote on a proposed Iraq War funding bill that fails to hold the President accountable for progress in Iraq, fails to set a withdrawal date, and fails to bring our troops home. This so-called “compromise” legislation is in fact a complete capitulation to the President’s demands to continue this war indefinitely, and must be opposed.

There is still time to call your Congressmember and ask that they vote “no.” Please take a minute THIS MORNING to let your Representative know you oppose continued war funding legislation without a *binding withdrawal timeline* attached.

TELL CONGRESS: DON’T SURRENDER TO BUSH ON IRAQ

Please call NOW toll free at 800-828-0498, 800-459-1887 or 800-614-2803 and ask for your own House member and Senators. And ALSO leave separate messages for both Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi at their leadership offices. They represent you too!

A MESSAGE FROM HOUSE SPEAKER NANCY PELOSI
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I had hoped that President Bush would accept my offer to work together on a New Direction in Iraq and sign crucial legislation holding the Iraqi government accountable. Instead, the President chose to continue to isolate himself from Congress, the international community, and the American people by vetoing the Democratic plan for change in Iraq.

The President isn’t listening to the American people’s call to end this disastrous war. What further proof do they need than the timing of his veto? The President vetoed our bill that would end this war and bring our troops home the week of the fourth anniversary of his infamous “Mission Accomplished” speech that declared an end to major combat operations in Iraq. Four years after that misguided speech, the President keeps making the same mistakes in Iraq.

Our bill achieved exactly what the American people elected us to do in November 2006. It would have fully funded troops on the ground, started to bring them home responsibly, held President Bush accountable, and ensured our veterans get the treatment they deserve back home.

Congress has responded to the will of the American people. President Bush has not. The President is clinging to his failed stay-the-course strategy in Iraq, while brave servicemen and women risk their lives for his mistakes.

House and Senate Democrats offered a plan for change in Iraq that gave the President every penny he requested for soldiers on the ground and more. But it also gave him something he’s tried to avoid: accountability.

President Bush may have the bully pulpit - but we have you. Close to 60,000 of you signed the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC)’s petition to the President telling him not to veto our plan. The American people are with us and the fight for a New Direction in Iraq is not over - we hope you will continue to stand with us.

We are counting on you — and millions of Democrats across the country who are united and energized as never before — to help build an unstoppable Democratic Majority and put a Democrat in the White House in 2008.

Thank you for your continued dedication.

Sincerely,

Nancy Pelosi
Speaker of the House of Representatives

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald.  We lost a dear friend.  America lost a true fighter.

Rep. Juanita Millender-McDonald
Congresswoman Millender-McDonald was a pacesetter on numerous fronts. She was the first African American woman in history to hold the chairmanship of the powerful Committee on House Administration; the first African American woman to serve on the Carson City Council; the first woman to hold the chairmanship of the powerful Insurance and Revenue & Taxation Committees of the California State Assembly in her first term; the first African American woman to give the national Democratic response to President Bush’s weekly radio address; the first Democratic chair of the Congressional Caucus for Women’s issues; and the first to be named Honorary Curator of the Museum of Latin American Art in Long Beach.

In her role on the Committee on House Administration, Congresswoman Millender-McDonald called the first election reform field hearing in history as she investigated widespread voter irregularities and disenfranchisement in Ohio.

In addition, she worked with former Secretary of State Madeline Albright and Ambassador John Miller on human trafficking and women’s rights issues around the world.  She had spoken out against genocide in Darfur, Cambodia, and other regions where human rights are violated.

Congresswoman Millender-McDonald was recently rated as one of the five most effective Members of Congress in a University of California study because of her ability to work across the aisle to pass legislation.

Congresswoman Millender-McDonald’s legacy in fighting for justice and equality at home and abroad will be remembered.

On behalf of all Democrats, we extend our heartfelt condolences to Congresswoman Millender-McDonald’s family and friends. She will be sorely missed by all who knew her.

Eric C. Bauman
Chair
Los Angeles County Democratic Party

Ensuring every vote counts in elections
By Dianne Feinstein - from The Sacramento Bee - April 22, 2007

The 2006 vote count in Sarasota County, Fla., exposed major weaknesses in our nation’s voting system. Nearly 240,000 voters cast ballots on Nov. 7. But when their votes were tallied, things didn’t square up: There were 18,000 fewer votes in the 13th Congressional District than were recorded in other contests on the same ballot.

So-called undervotes occur in every election. But the rate of undervotes on Sarasota County’s touch-screen machines was five times the rate seen on absentee ballots in the same contest.

Clearly, something went wrong. Was it a software glitch? Did poor ballot design lead voters mistakenly to overlook the congressional race? Was there tampering? We don’t know. After an investigation, Florida election officials say software was not to blame. But other experts say machine failure cannot be ruled out.

In the end, Republican Vern Buchanan was declared the winner over Democrat Christine Jennings, by only 369 votes. Thousands of votes were never recorded. And since the machines were not equipped to provide a paper trail that could be verified by the voters, we may never know what the true count was.

This sort of uncertainty is unacceptable. That’s why I am introducing legislation to reform our nation’s voting systems. The Ballot Integrity Act would:

• Require that all voting systems used in federal elections have a voter-verified paper trail, and ban the purchase of new voting systems that do not provide a paper trail.

• Establish a $600 million grant program to help states purchase voting systems equipped to produce a voter-verified paper trail.

• Create a $3 million competitive grant program to develop a voting system with a voter-verified paper trail, with full accessibility for the disabled.

• Require random public audits of electronic voting tallies, and open voting system software to inspection by independent computer analysts.

• Require that all voting places offer emergency paper ballots in case of system failures or delays.

These changes are critical to ensuring that every vote counts. To leave things as they stand today is to invite trouble.

The danger is real. In last year’s midterm elections, one-third of voters — 55 million Americans — cast ballots on electronic voting systems. Some jurisdictions have machines that leave a voter-verified paper trail; others do not.

In Sarasota County’s 13th Congressional District, recounts were conducted, but they were essentially pointless. That’s because the recount there simply entailed tallying the same electronic record again. And so the same flawed result was produced, with no way to find out why 18,000 votes went missing.

Inaccurate election tallies are an urgent problem, but so far they have not been addressed adequately. It has been more than four years since the Help America Vote Act, to reform federal elections, was passed by Congress and signed into law. But experts have identified several serious issues:

• The nonpartisan Election Reform Information Project found that new electronic voting machines may lack necessary security safeguards, and that statewide voter registration databases may not be accurate.

• In two studies in 2006, the Brennan Center for Justice, at the New York University School of Law, found more than 120 security threats to voting machines. The Brennan Center also found a notable lack of scientific study of voting system cost, security and accessibility — especially for disabled voters.

The problems in Sarasota County are a warning that must be heeded. If similar problems had occurred in the last election in Montana or Virginia — states with tight U.S. Senate contests — control of the Congress might have been unclear.

The good news is that some states are beginning to act. Florida Gov. Charlie Crist has announced plans to replace touch-screen voting systems with paper ballots counted by scanning machines. Other states are considering similar plans.

These are moves in the right direction. But they are not enough. We must have uniform national voting standards.

The stakes are high. Inaccurate vote counts erode voter confidence. And if voters lose faith, they may give up on voting altogether.

Voting is fundamental to our democracy and is guaranteed by the Constitution. But the right to vote is diminished if we don’t count the vote accurately. It is imperative that Congress ensures that voter choices are recorded accurately, free from error or mischief.

Copyright © The Sacramento Bee

FROM HOUSE SPEAKER NANCY PELOSI - April 20,2007

The American People Are Ready For a New Direction In Iraq

This week, the House appointed conferees on the Iraq Accountability Act for reconciliation with the Senate version of the emergency supplemental. The legislation that Congress will send to the President’s desk supports our troops, honors our commitments to our veterans, holds the Iraqi government accountable, and provides for a responsible redeployment from Iraq.

Democrats are ready to work with the President to change the direction in Iraq, but the President must accept the facts and put aside partisan attacks and heated rhetoric:

Fact 1: The Pentagon confirms Congressional Research Service report saying the White House claim that Congress is delaying the funding for the troops is false. “The Pentagon says it has enough money to pay for the Iraq war through June, despite warnings from the White House that troops are being harmed by Congress’ failure to quickly deliver more funds.” [AP, 4/19/07]

Fact 2: Today, the President’s own Defense Secretary. Robert Gates, once again said that we cannot have an open-ended commitment in Iraq: “I’m sympathetic with some of the challenges that they [the Iraqis] face…[But] the clock is ticking.” [AP, 4/19/07]

Fact 3: Fully 70 percent disapprove of the way the President Bush is handling the war, and six in 10 Americans trust Democrats in Congress over the President on the war. [ABC News/Washington Post, 4/16/07; CNN Poll, 4/18/07]

The President continues to push for a war without end, while the American people believe it is time for a new direction. Democrats want to work together with the President to responsibly wind down this war.

House Democratic Leaders call President’s attention to crucial facts in Iraq war debate>>

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